From: Anna B. Williams. The Rogerenes: Part II, History of the Rogerenes. Boston: Stanhope Press, 1904.

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CHAPTER III.

1684.

A YOUTH is growing up at Lyme, in regard to whom Matthew Griswold and his daughter Elizabeth may well feel some concern, although it afterwards appears that he is one of the brightest and manliest boys in the colony. This is none other than John Rogers, Jr. For five years past, his mother has been the wife of Peter Pratt, of Lyme, who has a son by this marriage. That gentleman is doomed to suffer no little trouble of conscience in regard to his marriage to the wife of John Rogers, having himself come to doubt that any valid reasons for the divorce ever existed.¹

In May, 1684, Matthew Griswold and his daughter petition the General Court "for power to order and dispose of John Rogers, Jr., John Rogers still continuing in his evil practises," which "evil practices" "were set forth, in the previous permission of the court regarding the continuance of the children of John Rogers with their mother, in these words: " he being so hettridox in his opinion and practice." Their request is granted, the youth "to be apprenticed by them to some honest man."

John Rogers, Jr., is now barely ten years of age, and must be a forward youth to be apprenticed so young, unless we suppose this a mere device to put him under stricter control of his mother's family. He has surely heard nothing in favor of his father from those among whom he has been reared, unless perhaps from his stepfather. Yet neither mother nor grandparents can keep his young heart from turning warmly towards the dauntless nonconformist at New London.

If it has been hoped that, by another attempt at more heroic treatment than the spasmodic onslaughts of the town magistrates,

¹ From Reply of John Rogers, 2d, to Peter Pratt, 2d.

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a death-blow may yet be dealt to the Rogerenes, it must soon become evident that such is unlikely to be the case. Not only so, but there is danger that some of the principal members of the New London Congregational church, and those among the most moneyed, may be won over to the new persuasion. Samuel Beebe, Jr., eldest son of one of the most substantial citizens, has recently married Elizabeth, daughter of James Rogers, and is conforming to the faith and usages of that family. Several from the Congregational church have recently been rebaptized by the new sect.

1685.

The prospect of further injury to the New London church, as well as to general church conformity in the colony, becomes such that, in the spring of 1685, another resolute attempt is made by the New London authorities, "by advice of the Governor and Counci1," to put a stop to the performance of servile labor on the first day of the week, as also baptism – and rebaptism – by immersion.

On Sunday, April I2, 1685, several of the leading spirits are imprisoned for working on the first day of the week. The court records show that some of these escape, and enter the meeting-house in time of public service, to denounce such persecution of followers of the Lord, by those who pretend to worship in His name.

Two days after (April 14), John Rogers, Capt. James Rogers, Samuel Beebe, Jr., and Joanna Way are complained of before the County Court for servile work in general upon the first day of the week "and particularly upon the last first day (I2th), although they have and may enjoy their persuasion undisturbed" (here is a revelation of the fact that their Saturday meetings have not been .interrupted of late, and possibly not since the institution of the countermove in 1678); also "for coming into town at several times to rebaptize persons" and "for recently disturbing public worship," and because "they go on still to disturb and give disturbance." ¹

Upon examination, John Rogers is found guilty of servile work

¹ The failing health of James Rogers, Sr., is sufficient to account for his not being arrested for servile work at this time.

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upon that first day and on many others, "by his own confession," and "will yet go on to do it," regardless of the law forbidding. The court also finds him guilty of "disturbing God's people in time of public worship." For all this, they order that he receive fifteen lashes upon the naked body. He is then complained of for baptizing a person contrary to law, "having no authority so to doe," for which he is fined £5.

Captain James is complained of for servile work, "by his own confession," that he worked on the last Sunday, "and would doe it again." Also he came into the meeting-house, in time of worship, "where he behaved himself in a frantick manner to the amazing of some and causing some women to swounde away," for which he is to have fifteen lashes on the naked body. He is also fined £5 for baptizing a negro woman.

Samuel Beebe is complained of for work on the first day and for declaring that he will continue in that practice as long as he lives. He also is to receive fifteen lashes on the naked body and to pay a fine of £5, although he is charged neither with disturbance of meeting nor with baptizing. Why this double punishment, unless because this young man has recently left the Congregational church to join the nonconformists? Such punishment may intimidate others who are thus inclined. That "discretion" granted the judges appears very prominent in this case.

Joanna Way , for servile work, for declaring that she will still continue in that practice, and for giving disturbance in the meeting-house, is sentenced to receive fifteen lashes on the naked body.

Here we find four persons, one of them a woman, receiving fifteen lashes each on the naked body for working on the first day, while keeping the seventh day, and for venturing the one sure mode of holding their persecutors in check.

In this disturbance of the meeting, Capt. James Rogers is the only one accounted guilty of "amazing" the congregation and causing women to "swounde." He is not charged with having attempted any violence in the church, and has before this become a convert to the peaceable doctrines of the Quakers. The court

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record gives no hint of the words used on this occasion by Captain James, or why the women were induced to "swounde." ¹

Despite the £5 fine, in less than two months thereafter (June) John Rogers is complained of for baptizing, found guilty, "on his own confession," and again fined £5.

(Although the Rogerenes continue steadfastly and openly to perform servile labor on the first day of the week, as well as to baptize, there appears no further arraignment before the court for these causes for a good while to come; the entrance into the meeting-house, April 12, 1685, proving, like the entrance of 1678, an effectual check upon their enemies.)

About the first of June of this same year, messengers are sent to New London from the Sabbatarian church at Newport, "to declare against two or more of them that were of us who are declined to Quakerism, of whom be thou aware, for by their principles they will travel by land and by sea to make disciples, yea sorry ones too. Their names are John and James Rogers and one Donham."² What have these two young men been doing now ? They have ventured to adopt and to preach the principle of non-resistance, and so, by this long-forward step, have "declined to Quakerism." This adoption of peace principles appears, in the estimation of the gentle and saintly Mr. Hubbard, – recorder of the above bulletin, – to have completed their downfall. He sufficiently expresses the attitude of the Newport church towards Quakers and their non-resistant principles. John and James Rogers have not been to the Quakers to learn these principles, but have taken them directly from the New Testament, where the Quakers themselves found them.

¹ It will later be seen that the custom, on such occasions, of ejecting disturbers of meeting from the church in a violent manner, was calculated to create a general excitement among the spectators.

² That no actual relapse to Quakerism had occurred at the time should have been evident from the fact that John Rogers is, even in this very month of June, baptizing. and undoubtedly as usual administering the Lord's Supper, ordinances to which the Quakers were entirely opposed.

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That John and James have been baptizing persons in the town, and probably at the very mill cove where John, over seven years before, baptized his sister-in-law, is apparent. Captain James is not only baptizing, but also, as shown by Mr. Hubbard's letter, preaching and proselyting. Mr. Hubbard does not complain of his baptizing or preaching, by which it appears that he did these in Sabbatarian order, but only of his preaching a Quaker doctrine. The names of John and Captain James still remain on the roll of membership of the Newport church. To drop them for preaching the pacific principles of the Gospel is no easier than to drop them for having accepted the principle of healing by prayer and faith as set forth in that Gospel.

In this year, Elizabeth, daughter of John Rogers, now fourteen years of age, is, at her own request, allowed by her mother and the Griswolds to return to her father; she who left him a child of three years. She is still the only daughter of her mother, and, by affirmation of both her brothers, John Rogers, 2d, and Peter Pratt: a most lovable character.

Her free committal of this girl child to the care and training of John Rogers, gives proof conclusive that "Elizabeth, daughter of Matthew Griswold," however she may disapprove of her former husband's religious course, knows well of the uprightness of his character and the kindness of his heart.

1687.

In December, 1687, "Elizabeth, former wife of John Rogers," resigns her claim to Mamacock, on condition of certain payments, in instalments, signing herself, "Elizabeth, daughter of Matthew Griswold" – (New London Records.)

1688.

James Rogers, Sr., is in declining health and fast nearing the end. November 17, 1687, he was unable to sign a deed of exchange of land. It was Witnessed as his act by his sons John and

¹ See "Prey Taken from the Strong," and Reply to same by John Rogers, 2d.

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James. Administration on his estate commences September, 1688. He leaves a large estate to his children, all of whom have received bountiful gifts from him in his lifetime, and all of whom are intelligent, conscientious, temperate and industrious.

While James Rogers was leading the busy life of a man of varied interests, worldly honor for his children must have been as much a stimulus as the accumulation for their sakes of money and of lands. That honor was relinquished in the cause which he and his espoused.

The esteem in which this man and his wife have been held is shown, among other things, by the failure of the Congregational church to expel them. In fact, where could that church lay a finger upon any violation, on the part of these members, of the teachings of Him in whose name that church was founded? Their names remain on the roll of Congregational church members. Yet by brethren in that church they have been scorned and injured, and their children have been lashed for venturing to follow with exactness New Testament precepts and examples.

In trouble and sorrow, under the despotism that had assumed the very authority of that Lord whom he himself had learned to trust so unreservedly, the mortal life of James Rogers approached its close. Yet, wondrously upheld by faith in God the Father, Christ the Saviour, and the presence of that Comforter which had been promised to all true believers, he was enabled to look far beyond all earthly gain or losses, all worldly disappointment and the injustice and uncharitableness of men, to the eternal blessings and rewards of heaven. Although religious preambles to wills are not unusual at this period, they are generally of a set form, with slight variations; but that which James Rogers dictated, to his son John, was an evident expression of his religious faith couched in his own words: "I do know and ,see that my name is written in the book of life." ¹

A noticeable feature of this will is the evidently anxious inten-

¹ See Part I, Chap. I. For full preamble, see "James Rogers and His Descendants," by J. S. Rogers, Boston.

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tion of the testator that the court shall have as little as possible to do with the settlement of his estate, and that his children shall carefully avoid any litigation concerning it. (Part I, Chap. I.)

Five years elapsed between the writing of the will' and the decease of the testator, and in the meantime a codicil was attached to it.

[It is certainly very lamentable that even one of the children of James Rogers considered it necessary to set aside the last request of so loving and generous a father, by entering upon any suit at law in regard to the settlement of his estate, and this after the first so amicable agreement on the part of each to fully abide by the terms of the will. But it is still more lamentable that, through lack of careful examination into the facts of the case, those children who positively refrained from the slightest action contrary to this request of their father, should be included in the sweeping statement of the New London historian (Miss Caulkins): "his children, notwithstanding, engaged in long and acrimonious contention regarding boundaries, in the course of which earthly judges were often obliged to interfere and enforce settlement." ¹

The including of all the children in this statement is not its only error; "earthly judges" being in no way "obliged to interfere" or "enforce," otherwise than by carrying on in the usual manner the business presented to the court. Because of this erroneous statement, often quoted by other historians, it will be necessary to burden this work with exact note of every case in which any child of James Rogers has any connection with court dealings regarding the settlement of this estate, which settlement, on account of the longevity of the widow, extends over a long period, evidently much longer than was anticipated by the

¹ In point of fact, only one of the children made any complaint regarding boundaries ; but this complaint resulted in a suit that was carried through several courts. Undoubtedly, by a cursory view of this frequently appearing suit and also that of Samuel Beebe, on the records, Miss Caulkins judged that there was a general "contention." Rev. Mr. Blake, in his Church History – New London Congregational – in adopting this error of Miss Caulkins, has rendered it that "the children" of James Rogers "engaged in bitter controversies," over his estate.

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testator, she having been in an impaired condition for some time prior to his decease. This impairment appears to have been more of a mental than physical character, however, and of an intermittent description, indicating whole or partial recovery at intervals. When the intense strain upon mind and heart which this wife and mother must have endured ever since 1674 is considered, one cannot but suspect this to be the cause of an impairment of her mental powers while she still retained so much recuperative vigor even to unusual longevity.]

For some years previous to the date of his death, the home farm of James Rogers was upon that beautiful portion of the shore lands of the Great Neck called Goshen, and here his widow continues to reside. His son Jonathan's place is adjoining on the south. Captain James lives in the same vicinity, and is now to have the Goshen farm lands, under the will. Although Bathsheba has a farm in this locality, received from her father, she appears to be living - with her children -at her mother's, and her brother John is there also, with a life right in the house, under the will. Samuel Beebe resides in the same neighborhood, and Joseph at his Bruen place, near by, on Robin Hood's Bay.

September 15, 1688, the widow executes a deed of trust (New London Probate Records) giving to her son John and daughter Bathsheba the oversight and management of the entire estate of her husband (it having been left subject to her needs for her lifetime), "even my whole interest," fully agreeing to the complete execution of her husband's will, as relating to herself, by these two children, according to the terms of the codicil, which gives the entire estate into their hands during the lifetime of the widow. Her son-in-law, Samuel Beebe, appears to be the justice on this occasion. Two persons, not of the family, testify to her "being apparently in her right mind," and "speaking very reasonably." All the children have previously entered into an agreement to carry out the plan of their father, as relates to settlement out of court, by executorship of Jolm and his guardianship, with Bathsheba, of their mother.

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In this year Peter Pratt, second husband of Elizabeth Griswold, dies at Lyme, leaving her with a son who bears his name.

In this year also, Elizabeth, daughter of John Rogers, now seventeen years of age, is married, at her father's home, to a young man named Stephen Prentis, the son of a principal planter of New London.¹

John Rogers, Jr., is permitted by his mother to attend the wedding of his sister. He is now, for the first time, with his father and his father's family friends. It is an excellent opportunity for the boy of fourteen to make the acquaintance and judge of the characters of these relatives for himself. The result is that he elects to remain with his father, and soon obtains his mother's permission to do so.² Thus ends the effort to keep the grandchildren of Mr. Matthew Griswold from the contaminating influence of John Rogers.

Account of the year 1688 should not close without mention of the appearance on this scene of a young dignitary well calculated to rekindle any flickering embers on either side of this controversy. Rev. Mr. Bradstreet having died, a new minister has been hired in the person of Gurdon Saltonstall, a young man inheriting the aristocratic and autocratic spirit of a family of rank and wealth without the gentler and more liberal qualities that adorned the character of his ancestor, Sir Richard Saltonstall. Although only twenty-two years of age, he is already a rigid, uncompromising ecclesiastic, holding the authority and prestige of the Congregational church paramount, even beyond the ordinary acceptation of the time. There is such general opposition to church taxation in the community at this very time, that an attempt has recently been made

¹ Stephen Prentis eventually became one of the prominent and wealthy citizens of the place, a holder of local and colonial offices, captain of a train band, attorney and also a farmer on a large scale. He was a member of the Congregational church through life, as was also his wife. Their home farm was near what is now Mill Stone Point.

² Miss Caulkins states that his mother afterwards attempted to secure his return to her, but could not succeed in overcoming his determination to remain with his father. The evidence of this has escaped our observation.

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to raise funds for the Congregational church by subscription, but the amount subscribed having proved very inadequate, the old method is continued. – (Caulkins.) This shows that Congregationalism in this town is, at the best, a yoke imposed upon a majority by a powerful minority. The effort, as well as the failure, to raise church money by subscription is ominous. Should such popular indifference continue, what may not befall the true church, with "hettridoxy" let loose in the land and Rhode Islandisms further overrunning the Colony?

It cannot be long before John Rogers and the zealous young advocate of Congregational rule are carefully observing and measuring each other. Fifty years ago, Congregationalist ("Independent") leaders cropped their hair close to their heads and eschewed fine clothing; now, forsooth, nothing is too good for them, and their curling locks (wigs) are more conspicuous than those of the Cavaliers with whom Cromwell's Roundheads fought to the death. This young man in fine ministerial garb, and with flowing wig, whom they have called to New London to preach the unworldly Gospel of Jesus Christ, is seemingly so immature that John Rogers, the man of forty, can afford to hold his peace for a space, while he goes his way, working upon the first day of the week and resting and preaching upon the seventh. The young minister, being on trial himself, awaiting ordination, cannot for some time to come venture very conspicuously on the war-path.

1690.

In 1690, extensive improvements are made in the Congregational church meeting-house. The interior is furnished with the approved style of pews, which are, as usual, assigned to the inhabitants of the town, those paying the highest rates having the highest seats. Accordingly, John Rogers and his brothers, and all the other Seventh Day people, have seats assigned them. In addition to the minister's rates, they are assessed for these church improvements, which include a new bell. that all may be in good style for the ordination of Mr. Saltonstall. Of course, John Rogers and his fol-

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lowers do not pay these "rates"; but their cattle and other goods are seized and sold at auction, none of the extra proceeds being returned to them. As yet, however, there is no disturbance, although, in addition to the new rates, the town magistrates are imposing fines and inflicting punishments, from time to time, on the seventh day observers, "at their discretion." (The terms of imprisonment of John Rogers aggregated over fifteen years, a very much longer time than the total recorded on court records. This indicates an extraordinary exercise of the delegated power accorded to local officials in his case.¹)

While the period of calm (upon the court records) since the last (and second) entry into the meeting-house, in 1685, is still continuing, and before the young ecclesiastic is in a position to begin his attack, let us take a general glance at the Rogers family, and first at the enterprising and wealthy Samuel Rogers, allied by marriage to some of the most prominent Congregational church members in the colony, yet himself appearing to cultivate no intimate association with the New London church, the reason for which may well be divined. He is now making active preparations for leaving New London altogether, as soon as his son Samuel is old enough to assume control of the bakery, having chosen for h1s future home a large tract of land in the romantic wilds of Mohegan (New London "North Parish," – now Montville). He is a great favorite with the Mohegan chief, Owaneco, son of Uncas. The popularity of Samuel Rogers with the Indians is but one of many indications of the amiable and conciliatory character of this man. His simply standing aloof from the church against whose autocratic dictum his father and brothers judged it their duty to so strenuously rebel is characteristic of the man.

On the Great Neck, Jonathan Rogers and his wife, and those of their particular persuasion, are quietly holding their meetings on Saturday, paying their Congregational church rates with regularity, however unwillingly, and working on the first day in no very notice-

¹ His son states (see Part I) that his imprisonments amounted to one-third of his life after his conversion, viz.: one-third of the period between 1674 and 1721.

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able manner. There is frequent interchange of visits between them and the many relatives and friends of Naomi in Newport and Westerly .

Although Captain James and wife and Joseph and his wife seem to be adhering faithfully to the radical party, there are growing up in their family several young dissenters from the Seventh Day cause. Samuel Beebe and his wife Elizabeth remain firm in the Sabbatarian faith.

John Rogers, Jr., although brought up in the house of Mr. Matthew Griswold and kept carefully from all Rogers contamination, works on the days upon which his father works, rests on the day when his father rests, and in all other ways follows his father's lead.

Bathsheba Smith ardently adheres to the religious departure instituted by her father and her brothers. Her son, James Smith, is fifteen years of age at this date. He and his cousin John, Jr., are well agreed to follow on in the faith. Among the children of his aunt Bathsheba there is one dearest of all to John, Jr.; this is Bathsheba Smith the younger.

Others of the third generation of Rogerses are now old enough to begin to observe, reason and choose for themselves. It is not surprising if, by this time, quite a number of Rogers lads, of the James and Joseph families, frequently enter the Congregational church, with other young people, and sit in the pews assigned to their fathers. The principles of John Rogers, Captain James and others of their persuasion would prevent the issue of any command tending to interfere with individual judgment and action in such matters, whatever the anxious attempt to instill strictly scriptural opinions and conduct, by precept and example.

1691.

Preparations for the ordination of the Rev. Gurdon Saltonstall being completed, that event transpires, November, 1691. About a month after this ceremony, occurs the first tilt on record between John Rogers and the ecclesiastic. In this instance, the gauntlet is

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thrown by the dissenter, in the shape of a wig, on the occasion of a "Contribution to the Ministry." ¹

John Rogers has, apparently, beheld the magisterial headgear of the young minister as long as he feels called upon to do so without some expression of dissent regarding such an unwarrantable sign of Christian ostentation. The unwelcome gift is a peaceable yet significant remonstrance from the leader of a sect determined from the outset to fearlessly express disapproval of any assumption of practices or doctrines in the name of the Christian religion that are foreign to the teachings and example of Christ. One would think that both minister and congregation might be thankful that the additional "rates" (such as cattle and other goods beyond all reason) forcibly taken from the dissenters to fit the Congregational church edifice for its elegant, wigged minister had not brought a delegation of Rogerenes to the meeting-house, to orally complain of being forced to assist in this ordination.

That John Rogers so graciously makes the apology, which is speedily demanded of him for this token of dissent, and assents to its immortalization upon the town records, is explainable in no other way than because it gives him an opportunity of publicly emphasizing the gift and his reasons therefor. The covertly facetious wording of this Apology, amounting in short to a full re-expression of the donor's sentiments in durable form, is a refreshing relief amid all the tragedy of this man's life.²

After the ordination of Mr. Saltonstall, his influence in this community, as a clergyman of unusual learning and ability, is fully established. He makes many friends both in and out of the colony, as a staunch and talented advocate of Congregational church rule, especially among the clergy, which is an element of great in-

¹ Contributions of articles, even of clothing, for the poor, for the minister or for church adornment, and other purposes, were common in those days; and for such donations there was a large box, quite stationary, and usually near the pulpit. This appears not to have been known to Miss Cau1kins, who supposes a box to have been passed around, as the box for money contributions of later times.

² For Apology, see Part I, Chap. I.

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fluence in the General Court, and other courts as well. He will soon be in a position to wreak upon John Rogers dire vengeance, not only for the wig, but for that general nonconformity so likely to disturb the ecclesiastical polity which it is his purpose to vigorously and uncompromisingly maintain.

In this year "Elizabeth, daughter of Matthew Griswold," marries Matthew Beckwith of Lyme, a man much older than herself, and eleven years the senior of her former husband, John Rogers.

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