From: Anna B. Williams. The Rogerenes: Part II, History of the Rogerenes. Boston: Stanhope Press, 1904.

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CHAPTER VIII.

1711.

WE left John Rogers on his way back to prison, there to remain until the March term of the Superior Court, because he would not promise "good behavior" (''as if I had misbehaved myself." Part I., Chapter V).

Against tyranny in high places, there is ever at hand the one highest appeal, that to the public at large, where is always in reserve a good measure of sympathy and sense of justice. Not only is our hero stirred through and through by this personal and ecclesiastical thrust, under guise of righteous administration of law, on the part of an official who has for so many years occupied the position of a reverend preacher of the gospel of Jesus Christ; but he knows well of this last appeal, which has heretofore stood him in good stead against the bitter edicts of these half – if not wholly – ecclesiastical courts. Though as yet there are no news- papers, there are eyes to see, ears to hear, and tongues to carry fast and far.

What recks this Samson of their paltry "goal"? Somehow, without show of physical force (the least sign of which would surely have been entered on the court record), he makes the sheriff quail. The lightning in his eyes, perchance, the deep tones of a voice that never breathes an oath, even to swear by in a court, uttering ominous words to some such effect as that he "will seal his quarrel with his blood." Should he attempt escape from the sheriff his death could be accomplished, then and there.

The sheriff returns to the court-room (meeting-house) and reports to the court that John Rogers is conducting himself in a "furious" manner, "threatening that the jail shall not hold him and that he will seal his quarrel with his blood"; the sheriff "fears

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he will break out of jail and do mischief to some of her Majesty's subjects." What subject but himself, through punishment which can be inflicted upon him for breaking away from an officer, which is a capital crime on the law book.

The quickly forthcoming order of the court (Judge Saltonstall) that John Rogers shall be placed in irons at need, "for preventing mischief," is but the beginning of the plot now in contemplation. By further order of the judge and governor (one and the same) John Rogers is to be conducted from the ordinary prison to the "inner" prison.¹ The latter is not yet finished, and is half a mile from the house of the jailer. It has as yet no underpinning, but stands above the ground on blocks. The green planks of which the floor was made are much shrunken, leaving large cracks for the entrance of the wind, and there is "an open window towards the northwest." There is no fireplace, nor any means for making a fire ; moreover, by the orders, no fire is to be allowed this prisoner.¹ It is October and unusually cold and stormy for this time of year.

How does John Rogers, Jr., manage to communicate with his father in this place? He must scale the high fence surrounding the prison yard, to make his way to the "open window" of the prison, whose grates will not admit the passage of any fuel, even if a place could be found within in which to make a fire. This son comes, under cover of the darkness, to give such aid and comfort as he may, and especially in the cold nights, which indicates that he contrives to furnish some slight means of warmth.

Until November 16 of this unusually inclement season; John Rogers, at the age of sixty-three, is a solitary prisoner in this inner prison, with such apology for a fire as his son can provide, by coming two miles after dark to the prison window.

Governor Saltonstall, sitting beside his beaming hearth, already furnished with its huge back-log, gives no pitiful thought to the

¹ For John Rogers' description of this prison and his imprisonment, see Part I., Chapter V.

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man whom he has denied an honest trial, and now forbids so much as a fire to keep him from death's door.

On the bitter cold night of November 16, John, Jr., coming the long two miles over the rough Mohegan road, and making his way, by scaling the prison fence, to the grated, open window, finds his father incapable of the usual intelligent response. Over the fence again he hurries, and out into the streets of the sleeping town, calling loudly at the sheriff's house: "You have murdered my father in prison to-night! ! !" "The Authority has murdered my father! ! !" (County Court Record.) Not only are the sheriff, his instigators and their sympathizers aroused by this loud and ringing cry of alarm in the dead of night, but also some of the many who are friendly to the prisoner. These latter spring with alacrity from their beds, at the news that John Rogers is dead, or dying, on this wild night, in the distant and fireless inner prison, through which the bitter winds are whistling.

Mr. Adams, the minister, a man of a kind heart, despite ecclesiastical fidelity, cannot turn a deaf ear to this report concerning the imprisoned dissenter. He and his wife show their humanity by sending a bottle of wine and a bottle of cordial to the sufferer. At the popular demand, the captive, almost senseless with cold and the malady resulting therefrom, is conveyed to the warm house of the sheriff,¹ where he at length revives.

John Rogers, Jr., is brought before the County Court in New London a fortnight later, on charge of making a disturbance in the night, and fined £3. He is granted a review at the court to be held in June, and required to give bonds for "good behavior," until his trial before the said court shall occur. Refusing to acknowledge, by giving the required bond, that he has done anything wrong, he is consigned to jail until session of the June court.

At this same November court, we find several other cases relating to this history. Samuel Beebe again demands of Capt. James Rogers the land made over to himself by the irregular "deed" of

1 This house is a tavern, and has in it the ordinary prison. It is near the Mill Cove.

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the widow. He and John Keeney and wife (formerly wife of Jonathan Rogers) make claim to all the "moveables" by the same document. These cases go against the plaintiffs. Samuel Beebe appeals to the Superior Court.

At this Court, also, James, Jr., makes another effort for poor Joan. The case having already been settled on one presentment, he bases his complaint upon different grounds. He says that, in the preceding June, Samuel Beebe brought a suit against John and Bathsheba, previous administrators, for possession of Joan, on plea that she was given to Elizabeth Beebe by the widow as part payment of the legacy of £10; but that for Samuel Beebe to make claim of John and Bathsheba at that date – he himself being at said date executor of the estate in place of John Rogers – or for John and Bathsheba to appear on a Court summons to answer such complaint of Samuel Beebe was irregular procedure. He states that, at the time Samuel Beebe declares this disposal of Joan by the widow to have been made, the latter was incapable of managing any business, or even of taking care of herself, and was under the guardianship of John and Bathsheba, according to the intent of the testator; also, by order of the Court, they were her guardians and the managers of the estate; So that she had no right to dispose of Joan, neither had any possession of her at the time. He avers that by John and Bathsheba illegally joining a false issue with Samuel Beebe, in not reminding the Court that they were no longer executors,¹ Joan had been adjudged to Samuel Beebe and taken by execution. He demands Joan with damages. It is a good case, but of course it fails. The Court is not willing to reverse its former decision. James, Jr., appeals to the Superior Court. But it will be useless to ask the judge of that Court to alter a decision by means of which he has been able to incarcerate his opponent. (The case is not brought before the Superior Court, but apparently dropped as a useless endeavor.)

Late in this month of November, occurs the death of Bathsheba

¹ They could not so remind the court, it being contrary to the will for them to give up their executorship, or to have anything to do with the court.

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(Rogers) Fox.¹ She has been heroically faithful to the departure instituted in 1674, only, at the last, to see this beloved brother again in the iron clutches of ecclesiastical hatred, he who would have been among the first to hasten to her bedside. How bitter to him, in those last days of his devoted sister, must have been the cruel bonds that held him at a distance, while she went down to death.

1712.

Under date of March 7th of this year, we find a deed of gift ² of some land (adjoining Mamacock farm) from John, Sr., to John, Jr., with the statement therein that this gift is to make up to his son for the land that had been taken from the latter for a fine of £20 imposed upon himself (Part I., Chapter V.), also for a choice cow and a considerable number of sheep that had been taken from his son to satisfy like claims against himself. He states that this gift is also to stand as a testimony of his appreciation of the fact that this son who

"was taken from me in his infancy, upon the account of my differing in judgment, and ordered by the Authority to be brought up in their principles, incensing him against me his own father, and thus kept from me till he came to a young man's estate; yet, notwithstanding, last winter now past, hath been an instrument in the hands of God, to preserve my life in an unfinished prison, with an open window facing towards the northwest, I being fined and imprisoned by two several courts with. out any trial of law by a jury."

It will be remembered that John Rogers is still in prison, awaiting the sitting of the March session of the Superior Court

¹ The esteem and affection in which Bathsheba was held by her husband, Samuel Fox, may be estimated by the fact that he not only gave valuable lands to her sons by Richard Smith in her lifetime, but, although he had married again, left by will, sixteen years after her death, to her sons by the name of Smith, yet living (James and John), £40 each, and to her three daughters by Richard Smith, £10 each.

² This deed must have been written in prison. It is recorded among New London land deeds.

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in New London. This now opens, March 25, at the meeting- house.

At the opening of the court, the sheriff announces that he has kept John Rogers safely until now and has him still in custody. The court orders the sheriff to set said prisoner at large.

Samuel Beebe fails to follow up his claim on land of Capt. James at this court, but renews the suit regarding alleged gifts of the widow to his wife, viz., "moveables," including certain young slaves belonging to the estate of James Rogers. He enters suit, by his attorney, Colonel Livingston, against Samuel Fox (husband of Bathsheba) for two negroes with £5 damages, and against John Rogers, Jr., for three negroes; all five being free negroes in employ of said persons. The verdict goes against him. John Keeney and wife also lose a similar suit for similar alleged gifts on the part of the widow.

On this same day, James Rogers, Jr., having presented his accounts, etc., to the Probate Court, as executor, said court orders distribution to be made of the residue of the estate (movables), according to regular form of law when a person dies intestate; a double portion to Samuel, as oldest son, the remainder to be equally divided between the other children. This gives James Rogers one-eighth of the movables, instead of the much larger share accorded by the codicil. Evidently self-interest had no part in the move made by James, Jr. Now comes the part of Samuel Rogers in this final issue. He states to the court, "in writing," that he has already, and before his mother's decease, received, by the terms of agreement among the heirs, according to his father's will, all that was due ¹ to him from his father's estate, to his full satisfaction, and absolutely quits claim to anything further. Joshua Hempstead is ordered to make distribution. (N .B. There has now been placed before the reader the sum and substance of all the litigation in regard to the estate of James Rogers, upon which Miss Caulkins founded her statement regarding "contention" among his children.)

¹ This due to him was £200 secured by note, and paid to him by the executor.

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The very next day,¹ March 26 (by Superior Court record), while the court is still in session, John Rogers is taking a convert to the Mill Cove for baptism. In doing so, he passes near the house of the sheriff, where he has so recently been a prisoner. Accompanying him are a number of his Society, among them John Bolles, John Rogers, Jr., and James Smith, son of Bathsheba. Time and again, since that notable day in 1677, has John Rogers baptized persons in this Mill Cove, directly under the windows of Governor Saltonstall, so to speak, whose house stands near by on a hillside rising from the cove. Certain lands bordering this cove remain in Rogerene ownership.

If the sheriff and his chief have judged that the heroic treatment of the past eleven months has cooled the ardor of the dissenters, here is unmistakable proof to the contrary. If the sheriff can nip this bold little act in the bud, formally or informally, he may be sure of the governor's co-operation and hearty commendation. On plea of wishing to speak with John Rogers, he persuades him to enter his house (which, as before said, contains the prison). He then endeavors to force him to enter a door leading into the prison. The friends of John Rogers, who have followed him into the house, upon seeing the latter purpose on the part of the sheriff, surround their leader, to prevent hands being laid upon him, and others in the tavern join them in declaring that no arrest can legally be made without a warrant. The sheriff leaves, with the avowed purpose of going to the court-room (meeting-house) for a "mittimus." Here, within this brief period of time, are two outrages upon the law; first, an attempt to take a prisoner without a warrant; second, to seek warrant for an arrest not authorized by law; the only penalty concerning such baptism being a fine after the occurrence of said baptism; imprisonment following only in event of non-payment of the fine. Well may the victim turn and follow the sheriff to the court-room.

¹ What follows (as far as December, 1713), is derived from statements of John Rogers (see Part I., Chapter V.), from records of Superior Court in New London March 26, and from record of County Court of New London, before which court were arraigned those who prevented the seizure of John Rogers without a warrant.

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The sheriff, being somewhat ahead, has already made out a case, so far as the judge is concerned; nothing more having been necessary than to state the attempted baptism. Taking into account all that he has suffered of late from unjust and despotic procedures on the part of the courts, John Rogers enters the court- room (meeting-house) fully prepared to denounce this latest outrage.¹

Vain against the power and determination of Governor Saltonstall are the ringing tones in which this departure from the written law of the land is condemned. But well has John Rogers calculated that, in the presence of all these witnesses, the judge will not venture to issue the illegal warrant for his arrest. The judge goes on, however, to sign a warrant ("mittimus"). Although he dare not arrest John Rogers because of the attempted baptism, he has now a better excuse and more personal determination also; since John Rogers has dared to enter the court-room to again publicly denounce official procedures. He signs a warrant for the arrest of John Rogers, on the charge of MADNESS! Well might all the proceedings of the past year, capped by this, make mad the sanest man, in both senses of the word. The sheriff claims his prisoner and leads him from the court-room. A crowd follows sheriff and prisoner to the jail. An uproar ensues when the window of the prison is darkened by a plank, and

¹ This entrance is thus described on the court records: – "John Rogers coming into her Majesty's Superior Court and behaving himself in a furious, raving manner with mighty crying and tumultuous noise, and it being certified to this court that ye said Rogers had gotten some and was endeavoring to gather a greater number of idle, vagrant persons by a like raving management of himself, and designed and engaged to dip them in ye water and said that he would baptize one of them." When we remember that the "idle, vagrant persons" accompanying him were no less substantial citizens than John Rogers, Jr., John Bolles and men of that stamp, this record assumes the character of a misrepresentation throughout. Also the contradiction in the record that John Rogers "designed to dip" an indefinite number "in the water," with statement that he said he would baptize "one," is significant. No court record regarding John Rogers but must have been penned with careful reference to the appearance of his offense before the public, by precaution of those in charge, who were his enemies.

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that same plank is broken down by the mob. The appeal of John Rogers, in the court-room, for the rights of the citizen, has not been made in vain. All praise to that English lieutenant, who goes to the Superior Court, still in session, to ask for an adequate examination of this prisoner, that it may be seen he is under no distraction. The assurance is returned that the prisoner shall be brought before the governor in the evening (when danger from the mob may be avoided) for a private examination regarding his sanity, by the very man who has invented this charge of lunacy! Of the absurdity of the promised examination, the lieutenant probably knows little or nothing; but others understand. This evening interview will make the friends of the governor laugh in their sleeves, while friends of John Rogers discern a new insult and injury, under this so transparent cloak of fairness.

Even after dark, the prisoner's convoy to the house of the governor is beset with indignant sympathizers, who follow into the very yard of the governor, where, after the prisoner's entrance to the house, they have to be dispersed.

These two men, under these circumstances, stand face to face, behind closed doors, the one knowing as well as the other that the only fault or distraction of which John Rogers is guilty is the old crime of nonconformity. (Would that this remarkable scene and conversation had been revealed for the benefit of future history.)

After this "examination," the prisoner is returned to the sheriff, to be taken to his "house." With such friendly demonstrations among the people, John Rogers cannot be confined as a common malefactor or madman, in the prison at said "house"; he is even allowed the freedom of the yard during the sheriff's continued attendance upon the court, which is sufficiently significant of the known falsity of the charge of insanity.

Two days after, the sheriff is instructed that, after adjournment of the court, he is to convey John Rogers to the Hartford prison and see that he is shut up in a dark room, where a certain French doctor will "shave his head and give him purges," to cure him of his madness. Such treatment, added to all the memories of past

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wrongs, would seem enough to give the sanest man the temporary appearance of a maniac. The more he can be made to appear like a maniac, the more plausible will be the excuse for consigning him to a worse than prison cell.

Had it remained for Gurdon Saltonstall to carry out this inhuman purpose, the statement that John Rogers died in Hartford prison, or in a madhouse, would probably have ended this man's history.

Some person, to whom the sheriff confided the inhuman plot, being friendly to the prisoner, John Rogers is informed of the doom prepared for him. He goes directly to the sheriff, to inquire into the truth of the statement, and asks to see the warrant for this new procedure, which the sheriff shows him. He there recognizes the handwriting of Gurdon Saltonstall.

Few men could be readier in resources than the man in custody. A person is quickly found to carry word, this very (Saturday) evening, to John Rogers, Jr., at Mamacock, of the impending peril. The hurried message quite suffices: With all possible speed, before the night is far advanced, John, Jr., is at hand, with a staunch boat, near by, well manned, to convey his father to Long Island. He has also money for his use, and, finding him in need of a suitable shirt, takes off his own and gives him. The boat was easily moored not far from the prison, which is by the Mill Cove, and also not far from the Thames River, into which the cove leads.

This boat, propelled by hands well skilled, pulls out from shore, in cover of the night, and goes to brave the winds and waves of March across Long Island Sound. John, Jr., returns to Mamacock, with thrilling tale of this, so far, successful rescue. Many a follower besides John Bolles anxiously awaits the tidings. Eagerly, no doubt, they gather in the big front room at the Mamacock "mansion house," to talk the matter over and speculate regarding the result, noting the weather betimes and praying for a bon voyage.

Before dawn, John Rogers is landed at Southold, and makes his way to the tavern. It will be seen how much he conducts

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himself either like a malefactor or a madman. While it is still early morning, he presents himself before a justice, to inform him of his escape from the New London sheriff, and the circumstances of the case. A guard is placed over him until the next day (Monday), when he is taken before the justices and the law is read to him stating it to be felony to break out of a constable's hands. In return, he places before them a copy of the warrant issued by Governor Saltonstall for his arrest on the ground of insanity. The intelligent, self-possessed appearance of the man, as opposed to this singular declaration of lunacy, occasions these officials no little perplexity. They withdraw for a private conference. All agreeing that he is a sane man, they discharge him from custody. He now informs them of his intention of appealing to the Governor of New York for protection, and asks them to stop, if possible, the "Hue and Cry" that will be sent after him, which they kindly promise to do. The remainder of this story is best told in his own words (Part I., Chapter V.).

In June of this year, while the refugee is still in New York, a session of the County Court is being held in New London. The case of John Rogers, Jr., for the disturbance at night (November 16, 1711), by which he saved the life of his father, now comes up for review. He desires to be tried by jury; but the present jury is dismissed and a special jury impaneled for this case. The fine of £3 and costs of the previous court is made to stand good against him, and three of the best cows on Mamacock farm are taken for this fine (see Chapter IV., last part). Although he was sentenced to imprisonment until this court for not giving the required bonds, we have seen him free at the time of his father's escape to Long Island. The bonds were doubtless given by a friend, as frequently happens with the Rogerenes.

At this June court, John Rogers, Jr., John Bolles, and James Smith (son of Bathsheba) are complained of for preventing the sheriff from arresting and imprisoning John Rogers on March 26. The charge is that these persons "opposed, resisted and abused" the sheriff "by threatening words, pushing, hunching, and laying

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hands on John Rogers," as said sheriff and the constable were apprehending him. A jury having been demanded and by good fortune accorded, a verdict of "not guilty" is rendered, and they are discharged. This shows the method of defence used by the Rogerenes on this occasion. They surrounded their leader, forming a human wall about him, and kept this position in spite of the efforts of sheriff and constable to lay hands upon him.

Although no reply is returned to the message which the authorities of New York have sent to the authorities at New London, in behalf of John Rogers, this proof of friendliness on the part of New York dignitaries towards the refugee from Connecticut, and their evident knowledge, that this refugee had been imprisoned on false pretences, has so salutary an effect, that when, after a stay of three months in New York, the nonconformist boldly returns to New London, no attempt is made at reimprisonment.

This indomitable man immediately makes a move to prosecute the judge and justices of the County Court, who, in June of the preceding year, not only tried in New London a case of "man-stealing," pretended to have been committed within the jurisdiction of Long Island, but tried a case of this serious nature – even capital upon the law book – without a jury. He must be well aware that such protest on his part is not only likely to be very expensive but wholly ineffectual. Back of this judge and these justices, stands Governor Saltonstall; moreover, any blame attaching to them would attach equally to the governor from having so signally punished the man who had declared against the illegal proceedings of the court at the time. Yet he makes the appeal manfully. Those who have heard the previous circumstances will hear also of the vain effort for justice, and this itself may help to weaken the despotic rule of an ecclesiastical clique.

1713.

In May of this year, at the session of the General Court, the judge and justices of the County Court appear, to answer to the above charges; John Rogers having, by repeated efforts, secured

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this much of attention. (See his account, Part I., Chapter V.) The defendants stand mainly upon objections regarding time and form of the Petition, on the part of the plaintiff. They say there was nothing in John Rogers' petition that showed any appearance of maladministration, and that, had there been any ground for his complaint, it did not come within the time limited by law. This shifting from the main ground to technical points, with denial of any importance to be attached to the significant charges (lack of jury and wrong jurisdiction), call for legal knowledge and adroit argument regarding minor points of the law, by way of evading the question of vital importance. In short, the case is, by legal device, taken away from the plaintiff at the start. As a show of justice, the court offers the plaintiff legal counsel; not to decide whether this case should have been tried where, and as, it was tried, but mainly whether the plaintiff's petition was within the time specified by law. Every difficulty possible had been placed in his way to retard the case, doubtless with this very end in view. The plaintiff refuses to make any reply, since he can reply to nothing but legal evasions. It being proven to the satisfaction of this court that John Rogers has nothing to complain of, he is ordered to pay the expenses of the judge and justices for their attendance on the court.

This man has ever in such cases a last resort, to be used at whatever peril. Then and there, before this assembly, he again charges the County Court held in New London, with "felony, rapine and injustice," and moreover declares the daring truth that the Governor of this Colony, here present, is an abettor of the same. The court, having considered his offense and high misdemeanor, resolve that he shall pay a fine of £20 to the public treasury, and execution upon his property is to be granted by the Secretary.

In November of this year, Capt. James Rogers passes away. To the last, he has been a busy man on land and sea. July 1st he returned from one of his voyages to the Barbadoes ("Hempstead Diary"). He owned and operated a tannery and cooper's

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establishment at Goshen. He left a large estate, and followed his father's example in desiring his children to settle the same out of court. This settlement proceeded in a perfectly orderly and harmonious manner. Despite the fact that his sons, James and Richard, had become connected with the Congregational church, he and his wife evidently continued in their nonconformist faith, as particularly proven by the remonstrance of 1695.¹

In December of this year, occurs the death of Samuel Rogers in his 73d year. Although this evidently superior man, by his distaste for controversy and public proceedings, as well as by his busy life in developing the new lands of Mohegan (whereby his name is written all over the early books of New London land records), has succeeded in hiding himself largely from the view of future generations; yet when compelled to present himself to such view, he has always been found acting the manly part. Throughout the early period of persecution, he was plainly in sympathy with his father and brothers, and proofs of continued sympathy with the Rogerene cause are evident to the last. He kept quietly but firmly aloof from the church that persecuted his relatives, despite counter-influences in his own family. For some twenty years of his early manhood, he conducted the bakery business on the former large scale and handed it to his son unimpaired. Besides the enterprises of his pioneer life, he was a ship-owner and business man at large. Although possessed of great wealth for his time, he so managed to distribute his property in

¹ That Capt. James, like his brother John, gave up the seventh-day sabbath, adopting the first day for religious services, is indicated by the fact that those of his children that remained Baptists were first-day Baptists. The same is true of the family of Joseph Rogers, many of whose descendants were (and are) Baptists of the regular persuasion.

Nothing has been found to disprove the supposition that Capt. James Rogers and his wife and Joseph Rogers and his wife continued in the Rogerene faith to the end. John Rogers had many followers, while the names of only a few of those more conspicuous in leadership are revealed to us by the court records. The fact that certain sons of Capt. James and of Joseph inclined to, and finally united with, the Congregational church readily accounts for the less prominent stand of their parents.

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his lifetime that little more than cattle and movables remained to be disposed of after his death, which personal estate was left to his wife Joanna, the executrix. In his will is the following clause: "one cow and six sheep to be delivered unto John Rogers, son of brother John Rogers, to be disposed of as I have ordered him." Also the executrix is to act with the advice of above said John Rogers and Samuel Fox, "oldest son of my brother Samuel Fox " (husband of Bathsheba). At the writing of this will, February 13, 1713, the testator states that he is in "perfect health."

1714.

Mary, the second wife of John Rogers, was, a number of years since, married to Robert Jones of Block Island.^l It is now fifteen years since John Rogers took her for his wife and twelve years since their enforced separation. He has recently become attached to an estimable widow, by the name of Sarah Cole, of Oyster Bay, L.I., a member of the Quaker Society of that locality. Although favorable to his suit, she is yet inclined to hesitate, on account of rumors that have been circulated in regard to his separation from Mary. In his prompt, straightforward way, he desires her to accompany him to Block Island, to learn from Mary herself if she has anything to say against him. This request is so reassuring, that the publication of their marriage intentions takes place at New London, July 4, 1714 ("Hempstead Diary"), after which they visit Mary at her home on Block Island. Mary gives Mrs. Cole so favorable an account of John Rogers and the treatment she herself received from him, that the ceremony is performed by Justice Wright before they leave the island.

[There is evidence, from the court records and testimony of Peter Pratt,² that this wife, Sarah, was of attractive personality, also that she was a zealous religious co-worker with her husband, and that they lived happily together at Mamacock, with John, Jr ., and his family and the two children of Mary.]

¹ See John Rogers, 2d, Part I., Chapter V.

² "Prey Taken from the Strong."

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