From: Anna B. Williams. The Rogerenes: Part II, History of the Rogerenes. Boston: Stanhope Press, 1904.

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CHAPTER X.

1721.

1721. Feb. 26, Sunday. — The Quakers at Meeting made a great disturbance; especially Sarah Bolles. — Hempstead Diary.

MR. HEMPSTEAD, in his usual brief style of chronicle, gives no further light upon this matter. By the records of the County Court, in the following June, it is shown that the Quakers referred to in the Diary were John Bolles, his wife Sarah and John Waterhouse, and that the impelling reason for this countermove was because John Waterhouse had been seized and maltreated for baptizing Joseph Bolles, eldest son of John and Sarah, now twenty years of age, who, on entering upon a religious life, had, with the approval of his father and mother and the test of the Society to which his whole family belonged, selected this young leader to baptize him.

Had any Rogerene been selected to perform this baptism other than the "dutiful" son who had recently left the Congregational church to join the nonconformists, it is probable there would have been no such unusual interference; since such baptisms have been constantly taking place for years, and there is no record of any other disturbance of this character.

Extensive improvements have now been completed in the Congregational meeting-house, almost equivalent to a rebuilding of that edifice. From the Rogerenes has been taken the usual unreasonable amount of property on this account; in the case of John Rogers, three of his best fat cattle together with shoes that, sold cheap at an "outcry," brought 30s. It seems high time, after so many years of exorbitant tribute to a ministry of which these people have no approbation, that some more effectual effort should be made than the simple refusal to pay such taxes, which has

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practically greatly increased their loss, by leaving them utterly at the mercy of the collectors.

A plan is now devised to fit this emergency, yet one much less aggressive than the ordinary countermove and indicative of a spirit of compromise on the part of the Rogerenes, despite the fact that one of their recent baptisms has been so seriously interfered with and their friends concerned therein are to be tried at the next sitting of the County Court. A representative number of them will appear at noontime in the meeting-house, which they have been forced to assist in rebuilding, and endeavor to hold a meeting of their own between the regular services. Undoubtedly, they expect to be prevented from entering the church at all; but the appeal for their rights in the premises will be made none the less evident and eloquent by such prevention. If they do succeed in entering, the familiar riot will ensue, occasioned by putting them out in a violent manner, carrying them to prison, etc. In that case, they will be fined "for making a riot," and tried and sentenced for the same; but their cause will be all the better advertised, at home and abroad.

April 23, 1721, Sacrament Day. — John Rogers came into the meeting-house and preached between meetings, his crew with him. — Hempstead Diary.

By this, it is shown that the first attempt at this new style of countermove was on the above day, and, by the absence of any court record regarding this occurrence, it further appears that, either because it was "sacrament day," or because the governor was out of town, or from both causes, no resistance was made to this noon entry or to the preaching by John Rogers that followed, each of the Rogerenes occupying his or her own seat as set off in the meeting-house.

Upon the next Sunday, they appear in like manner,¹ just as the

¹ "John Rogers and several of his Society (having as good a right to the New London meeting-house as any in the town) did propose to hold our meeting there, at noon-time, between the meeting of the other congregation, so as not to disturb them in either of their meetings. And, accordingly, we met there, and finding their meeting not ended, we stood without the door until their forenoon meeting was ended and the people came out, and then John Rogers told them our design was to make no disturbance, but to hold our meeting while they were at dinner, and when they were ready for the afternoon meeting we would desist and go away. Whereupon I heard no person manifest any dislike of our proceedings. Whereupon, John Rogers went into the seat which the town officers seated him in after the meeting house was built" (viz., rebuilt) "and proceeded to expound a chapter in the Bible. But in the time of our meeting, the constable was sent with a warrant to break up our meeting, and was attended with a rude company of men, who began to haul men and women out of meeting, committing some to prison, as did Paul in his unconverted state. And when Sarah Bolles saw the constable and his attendant carrying her husband to prison by his arms and legs, with his belly downward, in a very cruel manner, she and Josiah Gates, another of our Society, went to the Governor minding him of his late promise to defend us in our meetings from any that should disturb us and desired him that her husband might not be so abused, but all the relief they had, Josiah Gates received a box on the ear from the governor's own hand, and they were both turned out of doors by the governor, and the next day the governor sat judge himself of the matter and bound over J. Rogers to the County Court, charging him with a riot, though all he did was to expound a chapter as aforesaid, and all that his people did was to attend to his exposition, in as quiet a manner as was ever in any meeting in the king's dominions, till the constable with his rude attendants made the disturbance. However, the court fined John Rogers 10 shillings and the charges. Execution was given out, and the sheriff first took ten sheep and then a milch cow" — "And I do further add that I know of no protection that we have met with from the authority, relating to our worship but what has been of the same nature." — Reply of John Rogers, 2d, to Peter Pratt.

For account of the same by John Rogers, Sr., see Part I., Chapter V.

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Congregational service is breaking up. As Mr. Adams and the others come out, they politely state their purpose of holding another meeting of their own between the Congregational services. No objection being made, they enter and take their places in the seats assigned them. The governor is surely at hand on this occasion, and none can be more expectant of dire consequences to the offenders than are the heroic band themselves. But even Governor Saltonstall cannot well proceed without the issue of a warrant, which he must hasten to procure. In these critical circumstances, the dauntless leader proceeds to expound certain Scriptures to his little audience of twelve Rogerenes, with, doubtless, some curious spectators also.

A constable soon appears upon the scene, and the excitable and riotous portion of the church party are now at liberty to make an

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uproar and assist in the seizure and abuse. John Bolles is carried out and to jail by the arms and legs, face downward. His wife Sarah and one of the Rogerene men, Josiah Gates, hasten to the house of the governor, near by, where they remind him of his public promise (Chapter IX.) not to break up their meetings provided they do not disturb the Congregational church services, and Mrs. Bolles begs that her husband may not be thus abused.

Considering the towering rage of the governor over this strategic move on the part of the nonconformists, and the plea of the petitioners regarding non-disturbance of Congregational services, the box on the ear which Josiah Gates receives from the hand of the governor and the summary turning of the two petitioners out of doors is a natural sequence.

The next day, the governor binds John Rogers and John Bolles over to the June court.

By the records of the County Court in June, we find John Rogers and John Bolles called to answer "for unlawful and riotous entrance into the meeting-house on April 30, with other persons to the number of twelve." They plead "not guilty" (viz.: to any riotous entering or to any guilt in entering). The court finds both guilty; John Bolles is to pay a fine of £5, and cost of prosecution £3. John Rogers, having taken the precaution to demand trial by jury, is to pay a fine of only 10s., and cost of prosecution £1 18s., which gives us the popular verdict in the case. Yet for this fine the sheriff took ten sheep and a milch cow. In this way, the executives got the better of a sympathetic jury.

At this June court, John Bolles and his wife are arraigned for having disturbed the congregation "in February last" (upon occasion of the Congregational interference with the baptism of their son Joseph by John Waterhouse). The court, "having heard what each has to offer and the evidence against them, adjudge each to pay a fine of £20 and costs of prosecution £1."

As for John Waterhouse, he is first tried for having disturbed the Congregational meeting (after the church interference with said baptism, February 26) and is to pay same fine and charges

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as John Bolles and wife for this offense. Accordingly the cost of Joseph's baptism reaches £65. No wonder that Joseph Bolles is to become a leader among the Rogerenes and eventually prominent in a great countermove that is to shake the Congregational

church of New London.

John Waterhouse is also tried for "assuming a pretended administration of the ordinance of baptism to one Joseph Bolles of New London" and "that in time thereof he made use of these words: ' I baptize thee into the name of the Lord Jesus Christ.'" "The matter of fact against him being fully proven" and "he having been imprisoned" (apparently until the sitting of this court), he is now sentenced to be whipped ten stripes on the naked body for having performed this baptism.

It is well for the Rogerene Society that so courageous and talented a man as John Waterhouse has given himself to the Christian service in this contest for religious liberty. The days of their great leader are now numbered, although he is still, at seventy-three years of age, in full health and vigor, despite his fifteen years of imprisonment during the last forty-six years, and many other trials and sufferings induced by merciless punishments.

Prominent among the noticeable facts in this man's history is his faithful Christian ministry, a ministry copied closely from New Testament precept and example. Here is a pastor who in obedience to the command to visit the sick has been ever ready to hasten fearlessly to the bedsides of victims of the most dreaded contagion, to render aid temporal or spiritual; although not himself an immune, unless God so decree. He could be called upon in any circumstance of misfortune, wherever a friend was needed, to serve, to comfort, or advise. He has assisted the poor from the earnings of his own hands. He has visited the widows and the fatherless and those in prison. He has been at all the charges of his own ministry, by the fruits of his own industry. Since it has been claimed by him and his followers, on Scriptural authority, that faith and prayer are more efficacious in the healing of the sick than are the advice and prescriptions of earthly physicians, how often for this purpose must his prayers have been required.

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A few months later than the events narrated in previous portions of this chapter, occurs the great smallpox pestilence in Boston. At this time, John Rogers is having published in that city his book entitled "A Midnight Cry," and also his "Answer to R. Wadsworth." If he has need to go to Boston, on business connected with these publications, it is certain, by the character of the man, that he will not hesitate, but rather hasten, that he may, in the general panic there, render some assistance. Even if he has no business occasion for such a visit, it will not matter, provided he judges the Master's command to visit the sick calls him to Boston. Since his conversion in 1674, he has made a practice of visiting those afflicted with this contagion so shunned by others, yet has never been attacked by the disease. He believes the promise that God will preserve His faithful children to the full age of threescore years and ten unless called to offer up their lives in martyrdom, and that when, at last, in His good pleasure, He shall call them, it matters not by what disease or what accident He takes them hence. Surely death could come in no better way than in some especial obedience to His command.¹

¹ In the first place, he (J. Backus) asserts that our infallible spirit deceived us as it did John Rogers, who pretended from the inspiration that he was proof against all infection of body etc. Now I am fully persuaded that John Rogers never spake those words, but that J. Backus is highly guilty of slandering him in his grave concerning this matter. He also adds that to put the matter upon trial he daringly ventured into Boston in the time of the small pox, but received the infection and died of it, with several of his family.

Now how presumptuous and censorious a judgment it is for him to assert that his going to Boston was daringly to put the matter upon trial, when it was well known that it had been his practice for more than forty years past to visit all sick persons as often as he had opportunity, and particularly those who had the small pox; when in the height of their distemper he has sat on their bedside several hours at a time, discoursing of the things of God; so that his going to Boston the last time, was no other than his constant practice had been ever since he made a profession of religion. Now it is certain that John Rogers in his lifetime, and all his Society to this day, do firmly believe, from the testimony of the Scriptures, that God's protection is with his faithful children through the course of this life, to continue them to old age (notwithstanding the calamities that he sends on the earth), except when He calls them to lay down their lives for his truth by way of martyrdom, as may be seen abundantly in Scripture, Job 5, 26. Thou shalt come to thy grave in a full age, like as a shock of corn cometh in his season. Psalm 91, 16, With long life will I satisfy him etc. Now the age of man is set forth in Scripture to be seventy years, as is to be seen Psal. 90, 10.

Now although we have the Scripture plentifully to confirm us in this principle of God's protecting his faithful children to old age etc., yet we know it is appointed for an men once to die, according to what is written Heb. 9, 27, and by what manner of death it may please God to take them to himself, after he hath preserved them to old age, he has not revealed, and therefore neither J. Rogers in his lifetime, nor any of his Society since his death, has undertaken to decide the matter; judging it to be one of those secret things which God hath not revealed to us, and therefore is not our business to meddle with, according to what is written, Deut. 28, 29. The secret things belong unto the Lord our God; but those things that are revealed belong unto us &c.

Now let every unprejudiced reader take notice how little cause J. Backus has to reflect John Rogers' manner of death upon him, who lived to the age of seventy-three years, and then died in his own house on his own bed, having his reason continued to the last, and manifesting his peace with God and perfect assurance of a better life. He had also a very easy death, without any struggling or striving as is common to many people. — Answer of John Rogers, 2d, to J. Backus.

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If after an immunity of more than forty years, not only to himself but to his household, he takes cheery leave of family and friends, ere mounting his horse for the long journey, it is no wonder, nor if they take a like cheerful view of his departure. The Lord may bring him safely back, as so often before, even though his seventieth year is past. Yet — it may be that this call of the Master is to prove his faithfulness unto death.

His horse stands saddled by the roadside, with portmanteau packed for a brave and kindly stay, God willing, with the suffering and the forsaken. He is ready even to his jackboots, and his faithful watch tells him it is time for the start.¹ We look for no tremor here, even when he speaks the last farewell, but for the cheery word, the tender glance, the fervent grasp of the hand, the committal to God of those he holds dearest on earth, the agile spring to the saddle, and a still erect and manly figure vanishing at the turn of the road. It is not unlikely that a cavalcade of brethren accompany him some miles on his way.

On and on, from the health-giving breezes of Mamacock, towards

¹ In Inventory, watch, portmanteau and jackboots, also besides saddle, etc., a "male pillion," indicating a frequent companion in his journeyings.

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the plague-stricken city. Once there, — would we might follow him in his ministrations, even to that day when he remounts his horse for the homeward journey. Has the contagion so abated by the middle of October that he is no longer needed, or can he indeed be aware that he himself is attacked by the disease? Would it be possible for a man, after he had become sensible that the malady was upon him, to take the journey on horseback from Boston to New London? All that is known for a certainty is that after he reaches home the disease has developed. It seems probable that he was permitted to complete his mission in Boston and to leave there unconscious of the insidious attack awaiting him. Why was he stricken down at the close of this faithful effort to obey the command of the Master in the face of scorn and peril? One important result is to ensue. The unfaltering trust of the Rogerenes in an all-powerful and all-loving God is to be shown remaining as firm as though John Rogers had returned to them unscathed, and this unswerving trust in God's promises, under circumstances calculated to shake such a trust to the uttermost, is to be attested over and over by the records of Connecticut.

Fast and far is spread the alarm that John Rogers, just returned from his foolhardy visit to Boston, is prostrated at Mamacock with the dread contagion. There are in the house, including himself, thirteen persons. Adding the servants who live in separate houses on the place, it is easy to swell the number to "upwards of twenty." The large farm, spreading upon both sides of the road, is itself a place of isolation. On the east is a broad river, separating it from the uninhabited Groton bank. On the north is wooded, uninhabited, Scotch Cap.¹ There is possibly a dwelling within half a mile at the northwest. A half-mile to the south is the house of John Bolles. What few other neighbors there may be, are well removed, and there are dwellings enough on the farm to shelter all not required for nursing the sick. To

¹ The only house built at Scotch Cap before the present century was built about 1740, by Capt. Benj. Greene. Until within a few years, the cellar of that house remained and also the chimney. It was called "the chimney lot."

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what degree the family might take the usual precautions, if left to themselves, or how efficacious might be their scriptural methods, can never be known; since the authorities take the matter in hand at the start.

Had this illness occurred in the very heart of a crowded city, greater alarm or more stringent measures could not have ensued. There is a special meeting of Governor and Council at New Haven, October 14, on receipt of the news that John Rogers is ill at Mamacock with the smallpox, and that "on account of the size of the family, upwards of twenty persons, and the great danger of many persons going thither and other managements " (doubtless referring to scriptural methods of restoration and precaution) "there is great liability of the spread of the infection in that neighborhood." It is enacted that "effectual care be taken to prevent any intercourse between members of the family and other persons, also that three or four persons be impressed to care for the sick."

There are a number of meetings of the Governor and Council over this matter (for full accounts of which see the published records of the General Court of Connecticut). Were it not for the court records, coming generations would be at loss to know whether the members of the family themselves, also John Bolles, John Waterhouse, John Culver and their wives, and others of the Rogerenes held firmly to their principles in this crisis, or whether they stood willingly and fearfully aloof, not daring to put their faith and theory to so dangerous and unpopular a test. Fortunately for Rogerene history, the testimony furnished by records of the special sittings of the Governor and Council on this occasion, fully establishes not only the fidelity of the Rogerenes to New Testament teachings, but also their attachment and loyalty to their leader.

Three days after the official order that every relative and friend be banished from his bedside, and so with no one near him but the immunes pressed into the service, John Rogers yields up his life unto Him whom he has faithfully striven to obey, fearing not what man or any earthly chance might do to him. Thus dies John, the

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beloved and trusted son of James Rogers, and the last of that family.

John Rogers departed this life October 17th, the anniversary day of his marriage to Elizabeth Griswold. She cannot fail to note that fact, when the news reaches her. She is less than woman if, in the hour of that discovery, she does not go aside to weep.

The day after this death, at another special meeting of Governor and Council, it is enacted that "constant watch be kept about the house, to seize and imprison all persons who may attempt to hold any intercourse with the quarantined family." Little do those who have been forced to take charge at Mamacock and to punish all friendly "intruders about the premises" appreciate the deep sorrow and sympathy of these long-time neighbors and friends, who desire to hear the particulars, to show respect for the departed and to render aid to the family. Rudely rebuked, no doubt, are the most reasonable efforts on the part of these friends, to prove their love and fellowship in grief, although as yet no one else has the contagion and all thoughts are centred on this one great bereavement.

When shortly Bathsheba, wife of John Rogers (now 2d) and their eldest son, John, are stricken, the dark shadows deepen over Mamacock, and friends of the family would fain show some sign of fearless fidelity, not only to those afflicted, but to the teachings of the New Testament and the Old, in regard to the power and good will of God to hold even the direst pestilence in His hand. Much of the endeavor on the part of these friends appears to be to provide the family with such necessaries for their comfort as have not yet been supplied by the authorities.

John Waterhouse and John Culver come over from Groton to secure news regarding the sick and bring something likely to be needed in the quarantine. The slightest attempt at such friendly aid excites indignation and terror on the part of the authorities.

At one of the special meetings of Governor and Council (October 31)

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"action is taken regarding the fact that several of the followers of John Rogers have, contrary to express orders to the contrary, presumed to go into the company of some that live in the Rogers house, and further express orders are issued to these obdurate persons, particularly John Culver and wife, John Waterhouse and wife of Groton, Josiah Gates and wife of Colchester and John Bolles and wife."

That friends of the family have endeavored to supply them with necessaries, on account of very tardy red tape regarding such provision by the authorities, is strongly suggested by an order accompanying the above, commencing: "Whereas it appears that a meeting of the selectmen is necessary in order to their taking care of the sick family," it is hereby ordered "that notice shall be given the selectmen to meet and consider what is fit to be done for such as are confined in said families." Yet it is not until the next special meeting, over three weeks later (November 24), that it is ordered that two suitable persons shall be constantly in attendance "to lodge at the house of Jonas Hamilton or John Bolles" and "by relieving each other, watch and ward night and day to understand the state of the sick there and give information of what is needed." After this order, although other meetings are held by the Governor and Council on the same account, there is no mention of any further endeavors on the part of friends of the family to hold communication with them.

Two more of the family die of the disease, Bathsheba, wife of John Rogers, 2d, and John, their son. When all is over, John Rogers, 2d, is called upon to pay the expenses of official nurses, guards, provisions and medicines, a large bill, on which he is allowed no reduction.

John Rogers having died intestate, his son John is appointed administrator. The only heirs allowed by the court are the widow, John Rogers, 2d, and Elizabeth Prentice, "only son" and "only daughter," among whom the estate is divided by due course of law. When this form is ended, John Rogers, 2d, ignoring the fact that he, as only son under the law, has "a double portion," and Gershom and Mary, the two children by Mary, are awarded

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nothing of this estate, pays to each of these a liberal sum out of his own portion for "share in" their "father's estate" (as is still to be seen on the town records). Well may Mary, if living, forgive this honorable man for some things that displeased her in the past. He claims her children as his father's before the world; he claims them as brother and sister of his own. He afterwards buys of them land at Mamacock, which was given them by their father, Gershom's land "having a house thereon."

To the ecclesiastic view, John Rogers has fallen, as to that view he has lived, a fanatic, striving for such an impracticable end as to resurrect the first Christian era into the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. But the friends and followers of this leader are sure that a Christian hero has passed from their midst, in no ignoble way.

Here was a man who, had he chosen to fight worldly battles, in forum or in field, might well have made a mark that all men had acknowledged; but who, for the truth that is in the Gospel of Jesus Christ, elected to lead through life a forlorn hope, humanly speaking, as of one against a thousand or a score against a host. It matters not that he but voiced the sentiments of a large number of his own day (and a multitude of ours); it is a silent minority, that dare not even to applaud a man who speaks their views, while the popular leadership and power are on the other side.

Mamacock farm has been much enlarged since, by that name; it was the old Blinman farm, and as such given to Elizabeth Griswold; it has taken in lands to the north, south and west (across the Norwich road). In a southeast corner of its present (1721) boundaries, close by the river bank, are three graves that mark the earthly loss to family and friends of that fearless visit to Boston. The sentiments of the Rogerenes who view those mounds are: "The Lord hath given and the Lord hath taken away, blessed be the name of the Lord." They gather closer to fill this great vacancy in their ranks and press on under the same banner. If John Rogers, 2d, be not the next leader-in-chief (as perchance he is) that banner will never falter in his hands. John Waterhouse,

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as a preacher of rare eloquence and power, wears the mantle well. John Bolles is in the prime of life, being but forty-four years of age at the time of the death of his chief. He will labor in this cause for many a year to come, with ready voice and pen. Under his training and that of his wife Sarah, a bevy of bright and energetic boys are growing up strong in the faith, to join hands with the sons of John Rogers, 2d. Young Joseph Bolles is soon to come to the front. Shortly another elder and preacher rises, in the person of Andrew Davis. Here are enough to hold the present band together and labor for its enlargement. The authorities cannot take much encouragement, after the fall of the great leader. He has builded for time to come.

In 1722 is passed an act directing dissenters to qualify under the law of 1708, and such persons as neglect the public worship of God in some lawful congregation, and form themselves into separate companies in private houses, are to forfeit the sum of 40s. A fine of £10 and a whipping to any person not a minister who shall dare to administer the sacraments.

However this may be aimed at the Rogerenes, it evidently does not reach them. If the authorities should endeavor to strictly enforce this law in New London, there would undoubtedly be court records in plenty regarding countermoves, and an overflowing prison, as will be seen during a later attempt (1764-6) to enforce arbitrary laws of this kind. For more than forty years previous to 1722 the Rogerenes have ignored similar laws, and will continue the same course to the end.

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